林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文

林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文（精选7篇）

林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文 篇1

在八十七年前，我们的国父们在这块土地上创建一个新的国家，乃基于对自由的坚信，并致力于所有人皆生而平等的信念。Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.当下吾等被卷入一场伟大的内战，以考验是否此国度，或任何肇基于和奉献于斯者，可永垂不朽。吾等现相逢于此战中一处浩大战场。而吾等将奉献此战场之部分，作为这群交付彼者生命让那国度勉能生存的人们最后安息之处。此乃全然妥切且适当而为吾人应行之举。

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives to that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.但，于更大意义之上，吾等无法致力、无法奉上、无法成就此土之圣。这群勇者，无论生死，曾于斯奋战到底，早已使其神圣，而远超过吾人卑微之力所能增 减。这世间不曾丝毫留意，也不长久记得吾等于斯所言，但永不忘怀彼人于此所为。吾等生者，理应当然，献身于此辈鞠躬尽瘁之未完大业。吾等在此责无旁贷献身 于眼前之伟大使命：自光荣的亡者之处吾人肩起其终极之奉献—吾等在此答应亡者之死当非徒然—此国度，于神佑之下，当享有自由之新生—民有、民治、民享之政府当免于凋零。

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文 篇2

1863年11月19日,林肯在宾夕法尼亚州葛底斯堡的葛底斯堡国家公墓揭幕式中发表此次演说,哀悼在长达五个半月的葛底斯堡之役中阵亡的将士。林肯《葛底斯堡演讲》全文总共10个句子 ,267词 , 演说时间只有两分钟。本文同属表达型文本和呼唤型文本。文章没有任何多余的赘言 , 开门见山 , 立即转入正题 ; 结尾语气坚定 , 给听众留下感情奔放、情意深切、逻辑严密和生动有力的深刻印象。

二、译文比较分析

1、词汇选择

原文1 :Fourscore and seven years ago ... a new nation,conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that allmen are created equal.

张译 :七八十年以前,我们的先辈们在这个大路上创立了一个新国家,它孕育于自由之中,奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

许译 :七八十年前,我们的先辈们在这个大陆上建立了一个以自由为理想、以人人平等为宗旨的新国家。

文中conceived和dedicated两个动词的含义对于表现这个国家的自由平等有重要的作用。张分别使用“孕育”、“奉行”两个动词来体现 ;许则简化了这两个词,以“神似”的意译来取代了直译,“一个以自由为理想、以人人平等为宗旨的新国家”。笔者认为,翻译中所表达的原文含义比翻译中所采用的结构更为重要,许的简化翻译使得译文丢失了部分原文的内容。

原文2 :But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicated——we cannot consecrate——we cannot hallow——this ground.

张译 :但是,从更广泛的意义上来说,这块土地我们不能够奉献,我们不能够圣化,我们不能够神化。

许译 :但是,从更深刻的意义来说,我们不能使这一角战场成为圣地,我们不能使它流芳百世,我们不能使它永垂青史。

原文中这三个词dedicated, consecrate和hallow意思逐步深入递进,烘托了牺牲战士们的崇高性,表现出了庄重严肃的情感。dedicated有“奉献,投身于、致力于”的意思 ;consecrate有“为……祝圣,使圣化”的意思 ;hallow有“把……视为神圣,使成为神圣”的意思。因此,可以看出,张是根据原文,以直译的方式来处理这个句子。许则进行了加工,用四字成语显得更有气势,语气不断加深。

2、句式结构与逻辑

原文3 :It is rather for us……task remaining beforeus——that from these honored dead……he last full measureof devotion; that we……shall not have died in vain; that thenation shall... and that government of the people, by the people,for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

张译 :倒是我们应该在这里把自己奉献于仍然留在我们面前的伟大任务——以便使我们从这些光荣的死者身上汲取更多的奉献精神 , 来完成他们已经完全彻底为之献身的事业 ; 以便使我们在这里下定最大的决心 , 不让这些死者们白白牺牲 ;以便使国家在上帝福佑下得到自由的新生,并且使这个民有、民治、民享的政府永世长存。

许译 :我们更应该献身于我们面前的伟大任务 , 更应该不断向这些光荣牺牲的烈士学习,学习他们为事业鞠躬尽瘁、死而后已的献身精神,更应该在这里下定决心 , 一定不让这些烈士的鲜血白流 ;这个国家在上帝的保佑下 , 一定要得到自由和新生 , 这个民有、民治、民享的政府一定不能从地球上消失。

这段话句式结构复杂,4个that引导了4个task的同位语从句。从句式结构到具体的措辞,两位先生的翻译都有很大的不同。张用“以便使……以便使……以便使……并且使……”的句式结构对原句进行分解 ;而许采用的是“更应该……更应该……更应该……一定要……”句式结构。二者翻译均有排比句式的强烈情感色彩。而对于原文中出现的shall,张译为“让,使”,许译为“让,一定”。从许的措辞,如“鞠躬尽瘁、死而后已”“一定不能从地球上消失”等中,可以看出他的翻译相对情感色彩更为激烈,强硬 ;而张的翻译,如“白白牺牲”“永世长存”等,则较为缓和的情感,更能表现出对牺牲者的谦卑的态度。

三、总结

《葛底斯堡演讲》属于政治性的演讲词,两位先生的译作各有千秋。张培基的译文贴切原文意思,词句的翻译处理更加精致 ;许渊冲的译文多采用四字成语,气势磅礴。但是,笔者认为后者的翻译在细节处理,如遣词用句上过于意译。因此,笔者认为张培基的译文较好。

摘要：林肯的《葛底斯堡演讲》是历史上著名的演讲名篇,多年来我国许多人都曾尝试翻译此篇演讲词。本文将以张培基《英汉翻译教程》里刊载的演讲词翻译以及许渊冲《翻译通讯》里刊载的演讲词翻译为主,对这两篇译文进行浅略分析,谈谈笔者对这两篇译文的看法。

亚伯拉罕林肯的葛底斯堡的演讲 篇3

Speech：

In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President “before he enters on the execution of this office.”

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that:

I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever causeto this provision as much as to any other.To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered up” their oaths are unanimous.Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one.If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done.And should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go un-kept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

Again: In any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that “the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States”?

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules;and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand un-repealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution.During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government.They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success.Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty.A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.Top

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual.Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments.It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate itbut does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the Union itself.The Union is much older than the Constitution.It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774.It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776.It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation in 1778.And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was “to form a more perfect Union.”

But if destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union;that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States.Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary.I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority.The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts;but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere.Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object.While the strict legal right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.Top

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union.So far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection.The course here indicated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actually existing and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny;but if there be such, I need address no word to them.To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

林肯葛底斯堡演说双语散文 篇4

Abraham Lincoln

Delivered on the 19th Day of November, 1863

Cemetery Hill, Gettysburg, Pennsylvania

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continenta new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition thatall men are created equal. Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War,testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated,can long endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that war. We havecome to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for thosewho gave their lives that Nation might live. It is altogether fitting andproper that we should do this.

葛底斯堡演讲词 篇5

林肯葛底斯堡演讲词

Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate – we cannot consecrate – we cannot hallow – this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us – that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain;that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

林肯 演讲稿 篇6

Fourscore and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new Nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now, we are engaged in a great Civil War, testing whether that Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battlefield of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final

resting-place for those who gave their lives that Nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract.The world will little note nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated to the great task remaining before us;that from these honored dead, we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion;that this Nation, under GOD, shall have a new birth of freedom;and that government of the People by the People and for the People shall not perish from the earth."

林肯：葛底斯堡演讲

1863年11月19日，林肯于葛底斯堡的演讲是其一生最著名的演讲。

八十七年前，我们先辈在这个大陆上创立了一个新国家，它孕育于自由之中，奉行一切人生来平等的原则。

我们正从事一场伟大的内战，以考验这个国家，或者任何一个孕育于自由和奉行上述原则的国家是否能够长久存在下去。我们在这场战争中的一个伟大 战场上集会。烈士们为使这个国家能够生存下去而献出了自己的生命，我们来到这里，是要把这个战场的一部分奉献给他们作为最后安息之所。我们这样做是完全应 该而且非常恰当的。

林肯演讲葛底斯堡英文 篇7

Abraham Lincoln

Four score and seven years ago，our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure.We are met on a great battle-field of that war.We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live.It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate--we can not consecrate--we can not hallow--this ground.The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract.The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion--that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain--that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom--and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且献身给一种理念，即所有人都是生来平等的。

当前，我们正在从事一次伟大的内战，我们在考验，究竟这个国家，或任何一个有这种主张和这种信仰的国家，是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里，奉献那个战场上的一部分土地，作为在此地为那个国家的生存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永久眠息之所。我们这样做，是十分合情合理的。

可是，就更深一层意义而言，我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不能把它变为人们景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的勇士，活着的和死去的，已使这块土地神圣化了，远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。

世人会不大注意，更不会长久记得我们在此地所说的话，然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。相反，我们活着的人应该献身于那些曾在此作战的人们所英勇推动但尚未完成的工作。我们应该在此献身于我们面前所留存的伟大工作--由于他们的光荣牺牲，我们要更坚定地致力于他们曾作最后全部贡献的那个事业--我们在此立志宣誓，不能让他们白白死去--要使这个国家在上帝的庇佑之下，得到新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。(翻译可能不很准确，如要准确，请查询专业书籍)

林肯为了充实自己，他首先选择优秀作品进行朗读、吟诵甚至背诵。据说他最喜欢背诵和朗读的是拜伦和勃朗宁的作品，有诗曰：“攻破拜伦两卷书，万千精蕴自可得”。莎翁悲剧的很多段落林肯也能够倒背如流。据说他曾将自己关在地下室中不出来，大有不练出个样儿来誓不罢休的劲头。林肯的口才训练很有些章法的。他将低声、高声、快速三种朗读方法结合起来，而且还训练自己学会模仿不同人物角色的各种语音语调，并练习面向观众进行朗读演讲。我们不是有过“大嘴英语”、“疯狂英语”等学习光盘吗，看来都有林肯的这些训练思想在其中呢！

林肯是真正作到了“语不惊人死不休”，一语要“石破天惊”。说得过分？半点不过分的。请读一读林肯 1863 年 11 月 19 日 在美国葛底斯堡烈士公墓落成典礼上的那篇演讲词（Gettysburg Address）。有评论说这篇讲话是无价之宝，感情深厚，思想集中，措辞简炼，字句朴实优雅，行文完美无疵，是演说史上的珍品。全篇演讲共 10 句话 250 多个单词，演讲总共不超过 3 分钟，尤其最后一句用了 82 个单词，包含 6 个从句呐！更不用说复杂的语义层次了。最后一个从句也是全篇演讲的结尾，结构精炼而含义深刻，提出了名垂千古的“三民主义”： government of the people, by the people, for the people(民有、民治、民享)。当然后来有人在介词上作文章，将原句中的 of，by，for 分别改为 off，buy，fool，原意就变成“一个脱离人民、收买人民、愚弄人民的政府”。虽是对林肯的戏弄，却反映了林肯的语言的“一词千金”，不是吗？owned by the people, governed by the people, serve the people.林肯总统的这篇演讲如下：

最后一句参考译文如下：

在此，我们将献身于有待我们去完成的伟大事业，即我们将更加致力于完成先烈们曾为之献身的这一事业，即在此我们将下定决心，不使先烈的鲜血白流，即这个国家在上帝的庇佑之下，必将得到自由的新生,一个民有、民治、民享的政府，必将永世长存。

这一段是这样翻译出来的：

(1)It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us─(2)that from those honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause

(3)for which they gave the last full measure of devotion─(2)that we here highly resolve(3)that these dead shall not have died in vain─(2)that this nation, under

God, shall have a new birth of freedom─(2)and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perishfrom the earth.分析：

这是林肯总统的“Gettysburg Address”中最后、最重要、也是最长的一句话。词句虽稍长，并列结构多，但层次还是清楚的，一目了然。层次也不是很复杂，全句只有三个层次：主句，在全句的开始，前面标有（1）；从句，在每个“──”号之后，前面标有（2），表示第二个层次，共有四个that；从句中的从句，前面标有（3），表示第三个层次，共有两个。关键是弄清这几层之间的关系：第二层次的四个并列从句皆为task 的同位语从句；第一个第三层次的从句为 cause 的定语从句，第二个则为 resolve 的宾语从句。每个层次还有一些其它结构，如 government 后就有三个著名于世的并列的 of 短语作定语，就不一一分析了。注意全句末尾反译（反面正译）手段的运用，比较原句反面的表达：“必不致从地球上消灭。”

参考译文：

主讲：亚伯拉罕·林肯

时间：1863年11月19日